AUDIO

Studies in Jewish Supremacism
Narrated by Dr. David Duke

What Is Jewish Supremacism? Download
Are the Jews A Race? Download
Are the Jews a Distinct Race? Download
Will Intermarriage End Jewish Supremacism? Download


Text Abstracts:

What is Jewish Supremacism?
Quote:
The definition of White supremacism from the Random House unabridged Webster's Dictionary denotes it as "belief in superiority over other races and retaining of control in all relationships." Let's take the definition and apply it specifically to the term Jewish Supremacism.

Jewish Supremacism – The belief, theory, or doctrine that the Jewish people are superior to all others and should retain control in all relationships.

As to the first part of the definition, this book assembles powerful evidence that the leading Jews of the world have a belief, theory or doctrine that they are superior to all other peoples. I will also clearly demonstrate that they seek control in all relationships with other peoples.

David Ben Gurion, Israel's first Prime Minister, often called the "George Washington of Israel," said specifically that he believed in the "moral and intellectual superiority" of the Jewish people. That sentiment is commonly found in the writings of Jewish leaders throughout the world. Imagine the outcry if the President of the United States or head of state of any modern European nation pronounced that he believes in the moral and intellectual superiority of the White race! The Jewish dominated world media have so shielded Jewish Supremacists from criticism that their most famous leaders can say such things without fear of repercussion.

There was no outrage expressed by the world press when Ben Gurion made his remark, nor did any protest ensue from his supremacist prophecy quoted in Look magazine in 1962; a prediction that Israel would one day sit atop a one world government.

"In Jerusalem, the United Nations (a truly United Nations) will build a Shrine of the Prophets to serve the federated union of allcontinents; this will be the seat of the Supreme Court of Mankind."

It also seemed cruelly ironic to his Palestinian victims that there was little outcry when the admitted terrorist Menachem Begin was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. Begin brags in his book, The Revolt, about the massacre of over two hundred men, women, and children at Dier Yassin. The world hunts down suspected Nazi war criminals but gives a blood-stained Jewish one…the Nobel Peace Prize! That one event should tell us a great deal about who is really supreme in the modern world.

The other necessary part of the definition of supremacism denotes having control over other races. I will argue that Jewish Supremacists seek to control the nations in which they dwell. They make concerted efforts to dominate the two critical factors of control in the modern world, mass media and government. This book provides documented evidence of their incredible power in these sectors. This extreme concentration of power exists not only in the United States, but in most of the major nations of the world including Canada, Britain, Russia, France, Brazil and many more. It is a universal pattern suggesting that it is by design rather than accident.
Are The Jews A Race?
Quote:
Studies in Jewish Supremacism: A Series Edited and Posted by Dave Cooper
http://www.davidduke.com/?p=473

Are Jews a Race?…What They Themselves Say!

An excerpt from Dr. David Duke’s Jewish Supremacism.

One of the first things I discovered is that while Gentiles who call the Jews a “race” are condemned, Jewish leaders have for centuries routinely called themselves a race. The leader of American Jewry in the 1930s, Rabbi Stephen F. Wise, said it succinctly in this dramatic statement,
“Hitler was right in one thing. He calls the Jewish people a race and we are a race.”
Right up to the present day, there are many statements illustrating how Jewish leaders matter-of-factly view themselves not just as a religion, but as an identifiable race, genetically distinguishable from other peoples.

Nahum Goldman, one of the leading Jews of the 20th Century and former president of the World Zionist Organization, said it very bluntly:
…The Jews are divided into two categories, those who admit they belong to a race distinguished by a history thousands of years old, and those who don’t. The latter are open to the charge of dishonesty.
The former Israeli Prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, speaking to Jewish group in southern California said:
“If Israel had not come into existence after World War II then I am certain the Jewish race wouldn’t have survived…I stand before you and say you muststrengthen your commitment to Israel.”
An editorial entitled “Some Other Race” in the New York weekly Forward (A very prestigious Jewish publication) urges Jews to list themselves on the U.S. Government census form as a race. It goes on to suggest:
“… On question eight [of the form, which asks about race], you might consider doing what more than one member of our redaktzia [editorial staff] has done: checking the box ’some other race’ and writing in the word ‘Jew’.”
Charles Bronfman, a main sponsor of the $210 million “Birthright Israel,” an organization specifically committed to preventing intermarriage between Jews and Gentiles, expressed the need to preserve the Jewish genetic character as expressed in the Jewish DNA.

Bronfman is brother of Edgar Bronfman, Sr., president of the World Jewish Congress. He said,
“…you’re losing a lot — losing the kind of feeling you have when you know [that] throughout the world there are people who somehow or other have the same kind of DNA that you have.”
Imagine for a moment if President George Bush would speak to a group of White college students and tell them how great it is for them know that others in the world share their White DNA, and that they should not lose it by intermarrying with other races. Bush could live to 100 years old and still never live down a remark like that!

During his campaign for President in 2000, Bush spoke before dozens of Jewish organizations and Synagogues that oppose intermarriage between Jews and non-Jews. The media only had praise for those appearances. In contrast, Bush faced universal criticism by the Jewish media by simply speaking at a conservative Christian university (Bob Jones University) that quietly opposes racial intermarriage. After the media unleashed a storm of criticism, Bush had to quickly apologize and then passionately condemn Bob Jones University for its position. Of course, within a few days, Bush was again speaking before many Jewish groups that stridently oppose intermarriage, yet no one in the media dared object to these appearances, or to even point out this blatant double standard.

Dr. David Duke, Jewish Supremacism, Ch. 2, "The Roots of Jewish Supremacism."
Are the Jews A Distinct Race?
Quote:
Studies in Jewish Supremacism: A Series Edited and Posted by Dave Cooper
http://www.davidduke.com/?p=476

Are Jews a Distinct and Homogenous Race?

An excerpt from Dr. David Duke’s My Awakening.
One researcher summed up the overall genetic differences by saying that there was probably at least three times more genetic difference between an average Jew in France and his Gentile Frenchman neighbor than between an average French Jew and a Jew living in Russia or the Middle East.
…the same group who chronically preach to us that there are no great differences between Blacks and Whites, boldly assert that the Jewish people are genetically homogenous!

Over many generations the external resemblance to Gentiles could increase while the parts of the brain that affect behavioral tendencies and abilities could be unaffected.

–Dr. David Duke, My Awakening

Just as two species of animals occupying a particular geographic area naturally develop a group evolutionary strategy to compete for resources, so human groups can do the same - even in the civilized societies. They can develop certain behavioral traits that give them competitive advantage and greater reproductive success. In human societies, when genetically distinct groups interact, they can assimilate and lose their genetic distinction, or they can develop ethnocentric ideologies and behavior that favor the distinct characteristics of their own gene pool. An ethnocentric group could even develop a religion that rationalizes its evolutionary response to other groups.

I wondered if the Jews had become genetically distanced from the other peoples of Europe and, if so, how deep the divide was. Had their supremacist and ethnocentric tendencies become ingrained in their genetic code, or were they simply a result of the cultural attitude of their religion and the separate societies they created? Did genetic impulses create the ideology of Judaism that reinforced and intensified the Jewish genotype? Years later, in the 1990s, the same Jewish-dominated anthropology that rejected the importance of European racial consciousness and sense of identity has reasserted Jewishness and the “Jewish identity.” In “Jews, Multiculturalism, and Boasian Anthropology,” in The American Anthropologist, Jewish writer Gelya Frank celebrates American Boasian antiracist anthropology as “Jewish history.” She points out that the central Jewish role was intentionally whitewashed for fear that Gentiles would realize that Jews had a radical agenda.
There has always been a lively, if sometimes hushed, in-house discourse about American anthropology’s Jewish origins and their meaning. The preponderance of Jewish intellectuals in the early years of Boasian Anthropology and the Jewish identities of anthropologists in subsequent generations have been downplayed in standard histories of the discipline…

This essay brings together strands of these various discourses on Jews in anthropology for a new generation of American anthropologists, especially ones concerned with turning multiculturalist theories into agendas for activism….

There has also been a whitewashing of Jewish ethnicity, reflecting fears of anti-Semitic reactions that could discredit the discipline of anthropology and individual anthropologists, either because Jews were considered dangerous due to their presumed racial differences or because they were associated with radical causes. - Gelya Frank

Now, with the political and cultural victory of racial pluralism over European solidarity, Frank discloses that Jewish anthropologists are reasserting their Jewish ethnicity and group identity.
Any number of scholars are reasserting Jewishness in the academy, simultaneously attempting to discover and define what Jewish identity can mean in that most universalist of institutions. Some relevant examples from the long and growing list of sources, in addition to several already cited, include: Behar 1996; Boyarian 1992, 1996; Eilberg-Schwartz 1990, 1992, 1994; H. Goldberg 1987, 1995; Kleebatt 1996; Nochilin and Garb 1995; Prell 1989, 1990, 1996; Robin-Dorsky and Fisher Fishkin 1996; and Schneider 1995.

The reappearance of Jewish difference(s) raises the stakes for Jewish anthropologists engaged in multiculturalist discourses.
The article floored me. The same Jewish-driven anthropology establishment that tells Europeans there is really no such thing as race and that racial identity is silly at best and a moral evil at worst, quietly promotes Jewish “differences” and ” genetic identity.”

When I first looked into the issue of Jewish genetic relatedness, I did not have the benefit of Frank’s article. At that time, I thought that the best way to investigate the issue was to see how similar the geographically separated Jewish populations are to each other and to the Gentile populations among whom they live. Do Jews differ from the other Europeans the same way that, say, an Englishman differs from a Frenchman or a German from a Russian? Or are they altogether different from all European subraces?

Substantial work had been done on the issue, much of it from Jewish researchers who were busily studying their own people’s genetic makeup. Over the years, they enlightened me on this subject in much the same way that I had gained an interesting perspective on Jewish history from Jewish chroniclers.

The first thing I found was information on the set of genetically borne diseases that occur almost exclusively in the Jewish community, such as Tay-Sachs disease. Their presence certainly indicated a genetic variance specific to the Jewish population and illustrated a genetic difference from the Gentiles. Soon I found scientific papers dealing precisely with the issues I sought.

Genetic researchers Sachs and Bat-Miriam discovered amazing similarity between the Jewish populations of nine countries of North Africa, the Middle East, and Central Europe. Conversely, they found sharp differences between Jews and non-Jews from those same countries.

In studying blood group data, Mourant, Kopec, and Domaniewska-Sobczak wrote in a book called The Genetics of the Jews that
it may be said that, in general, blood group data … support the relative homogeneity of the main historical Jewish communities.
Now, here we have mainstream Jewish anthropologists and geneticists, the same group who chronically preach to us that there are no great differences between Blacks and Whites, boldly assert that the Jewish people are genetically homogenous! Their assessment is that although there are some differences between the Ashkenazim and the Sephardim (the two main ethnic divisions among Jews), essentially Jews are a single people who have little genetic resemblance to the European populations among whom they dwell.
* In blood group data, two major studies, one in 1977 by Bonné-Tamir, Ashbel, and Kenett and one by Karlin, Kenett, and Bonné-Tamir in 1979, found when using fourteen polymorphic loci, no significant difference in Jewish populations from Iraq, Libya, Germany, or Poland. They estimated that the genetic distance between Gentiles and Jews living in the same area is three to five times greater than for Jews living in the different nations studied. In the 1977 study, the researchers state “not much admixture has taken place between Ashkenazi Jews and their Gentile neighbors during the last 700 years or so.”

* Mille and Kobyliansky discovered in studies of dermatologlyphic data that Ashkenazim (Eastern European Jews) are much more similar to Shephardim (Middle-Eastern and European Jews) than they are to the non-Jewish Eastern Europeans.


* Kobyliansky and Livsh its in using cluster analysis on 25 morphological characteristics, estimated that Jews in Russia were six times more distant from Russians than Russians were from Germans. They also found the Jews to be completely separate from the twenty-four other ethnic groups studied in Russia, Germany, and Poland.

* Another study compared modern Jews and those of 3,000-yearold Jewish skeletons discovered in the Middle East. Sofaer, Smith, and Kaye studied dental morphology from Morocco, Kurdish Iraq, and Eastern European countries. They found more likeness between the widely scattered Jewish populations than for the Gentile groups living near them. The ancient Jewish skeletal group turned out to be far more similar to the three Jewish populations than for every nonJewish group studied except for one, an Arab Druse group from the 11th century.
One researcher summed up the overall genetic differences by saying that there was probably at least three times more genetic difference between an average Jew in France and his Gentile Frenchman neighbor than between an average French Jew and a Jew living in Russia or the Middle East.

The Jewish studies amazed me. I would not have guessed that Jews were that genetically different from all Europeans. I knew a few Jews who were indistinguishable from the potpourri of other European-Americans. From their appearance, it seemed impossible that they were three times more different from us than from their fellows in remote regions of the world. The research proved that a wide genetic difference existed, but I wondered why their appearance did not seem all that radically different.

Fritz Lenz suggested back in the 1930s that Jewish resemblance to the European populations did not mean that their genes were similar. He suggested that their similar external resemblance could have emerged from the natural selection of genes within the Jewish gene pool. These genes could simply be a small cluster of genes that lay dormant in the Jewish pool or that were introduced by limited genetic mixture with Gentiles, and which then were selectively favored by the social environment. Genes that caused a greater corporeal resemblance to that of the Gentile host could have favorable results in acceptance, wealth, and social advancement and thus on reproductive success.

By a somewhat similar process, distinct species of butterflies, not closely related, come to resemble one another without narrowing their genetic distance. Only a small set of genes influencing appearance within the Jewish population could thus be favored, causing a greater similarity of appearance to the Gentile population while not narrowing their overall genetic alienation from their host population. Over many generations the external resemblance to Gentiles could increase while the parts of the brain that affect behavioral tendencies and abilities could be unaffected.

According to evolutionary genetics, it is possible that Jews have come to more resemble their hosts in their external appearance while at the same time becoming even more distant in their mental and behavioral characteristics. Whatever the questions of physical appearance, there seemed little doubt that Jews are indeed very different from Europeans and that they had maintained that genetic difference for a very long time.

I also ran across a number of popular sources arguing that high Jewish-Gentile intermarriage would end that genetic distinctiveness from European Gentiles. As in so many other matters dealing with the Jews, there is a wealth of information on the issue indicating that the underlying reality is very different from popular perceptions.

–Dr. David Duke, My Awakening, ch. 25, “Jewish Evolutionary Strategy and Claims of Jewish Superiority.”
Will Intermarriage End Jewish Ethnocentrism?
Quote:
Studies in Jewish Supremacism: A Series Edited and Posted by Dave Cooper
http://www.davidduke.com/?p=474

Will Intermarriage End Jewish Ethnocentrism?

An excerpt from Dr. David Duke’s, My Awakening.

It is often said that the high rates of intermarriage between Jews and Gentiles, especially in the United States, will diminish ethnocentrism and cause assimilation of the Jewish population into the Gentile gene pool. The highly publicized and popularly promoted book The Myth of the Jewish Race by Ralph and Jennifer Patai makes that contention. They suggested that Jewish intermarriage has steadily increased since the Enlightenment.

It is true that many Jewish groups and leaders have raised a great commotion about the dangers of intermarriage. Major Jewish publications often have articles and even ads decrying intermarriage and imploring Jews to marry only other Jews. Steve M. Cohen writes the following in The Jewish Family: Myths and Reality:
Vigorous effort by organized Jewry to try to halt or reverse recent demographic changes … to get large numbers of Jews to change their family-related decisions - that is, to marry young, marry each other, stay married, and have many children.
Pinches Stolper cites the Union of Orthodox Jewish Congregations of America promoting only strong pure Jewish marriages. In describing the threat of a beautiful Gentile girl living just a few houses away, he asserts:
Intermarriage is a tragedy the Jewish people cannot tolerate. The person who marries out of the faith has turned his or her back on the Jewish people. Our tradition regards such a person as spiritually dead, and the family sits shiva [observes a period of mourning] for him or her.

Such marriages rarely work, even when accompanied by a socalled conversion to Judaism, and certainly can never work when the Jewish partner is seriously concerned with his or her Jewishness. For the families involved, the result is heartbreak and tragedy, and for the children, a life of frustration, conflict, and strain.
David Landau shows that Jewish fundamentalism is rapidly increasing in the Diaspora. He quotes one of the opponents of a mild change in Reform law allowing tracing of genealogy through the father rather than the mother as “one of the most evil crimes, almost akin to Hitler. It destroyed the integrity of the Jewish People.”

Rising fundamentalism has also meant a rise in birthrates among the most committed Jews. In an essay in the book The Jewish Family: Myths And Reality, Cohen notes that through high birthrates and by “using insulating mechanisms, the Hasidim have achieved a high degree of success in offsetting the assimilative tendencies of the larger society.”

Therefore, it can be seen that organized Jewry has made a concerted effort to encourage endogamy among Jews. Orthodox groups are certainly the most extremely opposed to intermarriage, but even the newspapers and magazines published by Reform groups strongly discourage it. The Jewish researcher Ellman comments in the journal Jewish Social Studies that the only ethnic or religious community in the United States that continues to attempt to limit and discourage conversions and intermarriage is the organized Jewish community. But Ellman - along with a number of other authors who are strongly opposed to intermarriage - also believe that the seemingly high rates of intermarriage are no real threat to the Jewish heritage. He suggests that it strengthens the traditional Jewish culture and genotype by eliminating those Jews who have assimilationist tendencies.

Ellman points out that intermarriage has little effect on the core of Judaism. He points out that intermarriage is far more frequent for second and subsequent marriages in which the couples are unlikely to have children. He also cites the much higher rates of divorce in intermarriage. More than 90 percent of intermarriages results in nonconversion and thus the intermarried do not become part of the Jewish community. Only a small percentage of children of intermarriage are raised as Jews, and more than 90 percent of them do not marry Jews. Ellman also reports that Jews of higher socioeconomic status are more likely to marry other Jews, thus the community will continue to be dominated by a pure Jewish elite core while lower-class Jews, who do not represent the desired traits of ethnic solidarity, are much more likely to marry outside and leave the community.

Barry Kosmin and other Jewish researchers, in Highlights of the CJF 1990 National Jewish Population Survey, found that 91 percent of intermarriages were made up of nonconversionary couples, that only 28 percent of the children of such couples were raised as Jews, and that even this small minority’s descendants would not be likely to marry Jews.

Not only are intermarried Jews far more prone to leave the Jewish circle, evidence suggests that they often encounter hostility in Jewish society. Jewish authors such as Michael Meyer and C. Waxman cite “tacit rejection” of the mixed couples. All these factors indicate that mixed marriages have little effect on the Jewish gene pool other than affecting the overall number of Jews.

Higher rates of intermarriage will probably have the long-term effect of strengthening traditional Jewish genetic characteristics. Jewish elements prone to assimilation are being removed while at the same time there is a resurgence in Jewish orthodoxy and high birthrate among the most committed of the Jewish elements such as the Hasidim. Additionally, religious Jews in Israel are almost all Orthodox, and there is almost no intermarriage in the world nexus of Jewry — the nation of Israel.

Perhaps the best way to describe the Jewish community is how the distinguished Jewish writer Daniel Elazar does in Community and Polity: Organizational Dynamics in American Jewry. He proposes a model of concentric circles. The inner circle is a hard core of about 5 to 8 percent who lead what he calls “fully Jewish lives.” Next are 10 to 12 percent of Jews whom he calls “participants.” They are often employed in “Jewish civil service,” working tirelessly for Jewish causes. Third, he identifies 25 to 30 percent of Jews whom he calls “contributors and consumers.” These make regular contributions to Jewish causes and make use of the Jewish community for things such as weddings, bar mitzvahs, and funerals. Elazar calls his last group the “peripherals and repudiators.” They make no contributions to Jewish causes, but sometimes the inner circles pull them in to participation or they are peeled off, leaving the Jewish core at the center and the whole of Jewry more committed than ever.

Because of copious publicity of high rates of Jewish intermarriage, some Gentiles may come to believe that Jews are becoming less ethnocentric. But in reality the opposite is true. Those Jews left at the core are less disposed to assimilation. At the same time, the out-marrying Jews who are amenable to Gentile values also serve an important role in causing Gentiles to believe the Jewish group is more similar to them than it actually is.

More importantly, some Jewish researchers see a degree of intermarriage as having a functional value in Gentile environments. Mark Zborowski and Elizabeth Herzog say that it serves as a bridge to the Gentile community, but one that does not threaten the Jewish core.
The peripheral area which serves as a bridge to the surrounding cultures fills several functions. It is an avenue to invasion, a buffer and a source of renewed vigor. Each impact that chips at the outer edge may serve simultaneously to strengthen the core.
Lieberman and Weinfeld, in their article “Demographic Trends and Jewish Survival,” view relatively high levels of intermarriage as a successful strategy in securing greater support from the Gentile comunity for their political and social goals such as political support for Israel.
The successful exercise of influence is best achieved in a community with a large subset of members interacting with politicians and opinion leaders. Through intermarried Jews themselves, and certainly through their social networks involving Jewish family and friends who may be closer to the core of the community, Jewish concerns, interests, and sensibilities can be articulated before a wider, more influential audience. In a recent interview, Presidential aide Robert Lipshutz traced the origin of Jimmy Carter’s concern for Israel to his close friendship with a first cousin, an Orthodox Jew (Carter’s aunt married a Jewish man, and their two children were raised as Jews). Intermarrying Jews, while perhaps diluting the community in one sense, perform compensating strategic functions in another.
Obviously, if intermarried Jews serve as a “bridge to the Gentile community,” those who are outside of the Jewish community but are conscious of Jewish blood will often have warm feelings toward that heritage and be well disposed to Jewish interests. They will also express less solidarity with European issues and interests.

Far from solving the Jewish-Gentile conflict, intermarriage only tends to reinforce the core Jewish genotype and nurture more extreme political and cultural solidarity. By sending their allies into our culture and body politic, they are better able to secure Jewish interests. Among Gentiles intermarriage has the opposite effect. Because they are absorbed almost wholly into our society, our own solidarity is weakened while giving the appearance that the Jewish community is less impenetrable and ethnocentric. There is no real threat to the Jewish genotype; if anything it becomes more “Jewish” each generation.

Once I learned that Jews had a different genetic heritage than Europeans and that this difference was intensifying, I wanted to understand what that could mean in terms of Jewish behavior and evolutionary strategy.

–Dr. David Duke, My Awakening, ch. 25, “Jewish Evolutionary Strategy and Claims of Jewish Superiority.”

====================

But, you might object, there has been intermarriage. Yes, indeed there has, and to such an extent that many Jews today whose ancestors have spent countless generations among the peoples of Europe look, at least to an untrained eye, as White as any European. And Jewish families residing in China look to us quite Oriental, though I am told that to Eastern eyes they are still distinct. But nevertheless, despite and in some ways because of this intermixture, the Chosen People myth has been and still is a powerful force which has preserved the essence of Jewish uniqueness. To understand how this seeming contradiction can be, you have to understand the basic scientific fact that behavioral tendencies, character, and personality are largely genetic, and are passed on from generation to generation with mathematical precision according to the characteristics of the parents, and their parents, and so on back into the mists of time.

The essence of Jewishness is not in their distinctive appearance, which some Jews have largely lost over the centuries, nor in their peculiar modes of dress or diet or expression; which many non-religious Jews have abandoned anyway without in any way relinquishing their Jewishness. No, the essence of Jewishness is the special "us versus them" mentality which is formalized in their Chosen People myth and which was necessary for their survival as a tiny group among the teeming masses of Egypt, Babylon, Rome, and America. For thousands of years, the Jews were subjected to a rigorous process of genetic selection. Those Jews in whom this "us versus them" mentality, this intense ethnocentrism or racism, was weak or absent were the most likely to intermarry and the least likely to raise their offspring as Jews or induce their spouses to undergo the difficult and officially discouraged conversion process. Thus the genetic material of these less "racist" Jews was lost to Jewry. Thus, over the centuries, those Jews who remained in the fold were those who possessed these special mental qualities in the highest degree. These qualities became intensified over the years since only those who possessed them most intensely were the progenitors of the following generations of the people who called themselves Jews.

The fact that there has been a definitely observable drift of White genetic material into the gene pool of European and American Jews does not substantially change the situation as I have illustrated it. When intermarriage occurred despite the opposition of the conservative and religious elements, and the offspring were raised as Jews, a similar selection process took place among them. Those to whom the Chosen People myth and the attitudes and practices that accompany it were incongenial or repugnant escaped into the wider Gentile world, and did not contribute their genes to the Jewish people. Those who had inherited the special mentality that characterizes the Jewish mode of life became part of the Jewish people, and the parents of Jewish children, even though they often brought with them such non-Jewish characteristics as straight fine hair, light coloration, and straight or upturned noses. Looking at this situation from a purely biological perspective, this acquisition of some of the physical characteristics of their host peoples might have been a survival advantage to the Jews, since it blurred the distinction between themselves and their hosts, at least to the hosts, and the Gentile's consciousness of their foreignness had always been a danger to them. In fact, it was and still remains their greatest fear. They call it anti-Semitism. The term is really a poor one, since it is never applied toward those who dislike Arabs, who are relatively pure Semites; but always to those who criticize Jews, who today are only partly Semitic and who have themselves probably killed more Semites than any other people.

The Oldest Story, Kevin Strom
http://www.stormfront.org/forum/show...5&postcount=10




Friday Night At 9PM on White Hot Radio

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Dr. J. Philippe Rushton
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Dr. Rushton answers a few of the questions
most often asked by Stormfront guests:
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Quote:
Isn't race just a social construct and not a biological reality?

I've heard humans have 99% of their genes in common -- doesn't that disprove racial differences?

Isn't there more variation within the races than between the races?

Aren't the studies used to prove the reality of race old and discredited?

Aren't Black Americans the victims of crimes, not the cause?

Don't most experts believe the cause of race differences is environmental and not genetic?

Isn't studying race differences immoral?

Shouldn't we ignore race and treat everyone as an individual?

The Mismeasures of Gould
by J. Philippe Rushton

Mr. Rushton is professor of psychology at the University of Western Ontario in London. This article is adapted from his review in the refereed academic journal Personality and Individual Differences, Vol. 23, pp. 169-180.

"[Steven Jay] Gould occupies a rather curious position, particularly on his side of the Atlantic. Because of the excellence of his essays, he has come to be seen by non-biologists as the pre-eminent evolutionary theorist. In contrast, the evolutionary biologists with whom I have discussed his work tend to see him as a man whose ideas are so confused as to be hardly worth bothering with, but as one who should not be publicly criticized because he is at least on our side against the creationists."

YEP, that's the Steven Jay Gould -- Harvard paleontologist, best-selling science popularizer, Natural History magazine columnist, and media superstar -- in the opinion of John Maynard Smith, one of the founders of modern evolutionary theory. Smith's skepticism about Gould is pervasive among his peers. Daniel Dennett's brilliant 1995 book, Darwin's Dangerous Idea, was largely devoted to dispelling Gouldian misinformation. John Alcock, author of standard animal-behavior textbooks, recently described Gould as "consistently employing the same limited set of debating techniques and stylistic devices . . . while simply ignoring evidence to the contrary."

This civil war among evolutionists has now burst into the open. Gould struck back, with his trademark deceptive elegance, in The New York Review of Books (June 12, June 26, August 14), house organ of the New York intelligentsia that has long been his real constituency.

The point at issue between the evolutionists and Gould seems arcane. Does evolution proceed gradually or through "punctuated equilibrium" -- immobility interrupted by transforming upheaval? Gould's preference for the latter reflects his left-wing politics -- for evolutionary upheavals, read social revolutions. Yet it may also be traced to his refusal to admit that systematic differences, probably evolutionary in origin, exist among human beings.

That same refusal regularly distorts Gould's 1981 The Mismeasure of Man, now reissued in a "revised and expanded" edition (Norton, $13.95). The Mismeasure of Man (which in its first version sold 250,000 copies, was translated into ten languages, and became required reading for undergraduate and even graduate classes) dealt with questions that are delicate, controversial, and (to the scientific layman) even discomfiting: IQ, brain size, sex, and race. It did so by unscrupulously mishandling the evidence. The new version -- described by the publisher as "an acclaimed classic that refutes the conclusions of The Bell Curve" -- is expanded but hardly revised. It regurgitates character assassinations of deceased scientists, misrepresents their work despite published refutation, and studiously withholds 15 years of new research that contradicts every major scientific argument Gould puts forth.

Perhaps the single most devastating development for Gould: new research on brain size. Was he asleep throughout the 1990s --called, with good reason, "The Decade of the Brain"?

Gould originally charged nineteenth-century scientists with "juggling" and "finagling" brain-size data in order to place Northern Europeans at the apex of civilization. Implausibly, he argued that Paul Broca, Francis Galton, and Samuel George Morton, all "finagled" in the same direction and by similar magnitudes using different methods. Gould asks us to believe that Broca "leaned" on his autopsy scales when measuring wet brains by just enough to produce the same differences that Morton caused by "over-packing" empty skulls and that Galton caused with his "extra loose" grip on calipers while measuring heads! Yet even before Mismeasure's first edition, new research was confirming the work of nineteenth-century pioneers. Gould neglected to mention that Leigh Van Valen had already established a positive correlation between brain size and intelligence in 1974.

Subsequently, of course, discoveries using Magnetic Resonance Imaging (MRI), which creates a three-dimensional image of the living brain, have shown a strong positive correlation (0.44) between brain size and intelligence. And there is more. The National Collaborative Perinatal Study, as reported by Sarah Broman and her colleagues, showed that head perimeter measured at birth significantly predicts head perim-eter at 7 years -- and head perimeter at both ages predicts IQ. Recent studies also show that head size and IQ vary with social class. It is now clear that the nineteenth-century pioneers were right.

The first of the MRI studies were published in the late 1980s/early 1990s in leading, mainstream refereed journals like Intelligence and the American Journal of Psychiatry. My colleagues and I routinely sent Gould copies and asked him what he thought. He never replied. Now he has chosen to withhold all these data from his readers.

Indeed, in the 1996 edition he deletes the very section of his own 1981 book that discussed the brain-size/IQ relation. In 1981, he had pooh-poohed Arthur Jensen's report (in Bias in Mental Testing) of a 0.30 correlation between brain-size and IQ -- but he omits this dismissal, without explanation, from the revised version. I can only infer that when Gould read Jensen's review of his book (which he mentions), he realized that Jensen's correlation was based on Van Valen's 1974 review and so could no longer be dismissed as "just Jensen." And, given the weight of the new evidence, simply repeating this section verbatim would have destroyed his entire thesis. He therefore left it out.

Is it reasonable, however, to expect brain size and cognitive ability to be related? Yes. H. Haug in 1987 found a correlation of 0.479 between the number of cortical neurons and brain size in humans. Gould dismisses differences in brain size as "trivial." But a difference of one cubic inch in brain size translates into a very nontrivial millions of cortical neurons and hundreds of millions of synapses -- a significant difference in mental activity and potential.

It is, of course, relationships between brain size/IQ and sex and race which, understandably, arouse the most anxiety. Some critics have even suggested a social taboo on discussion and research in these fields. That would run counter to the entire tradition of scientific inquiry. Be that as it may, it is surely indisputable that if such research is to be conducted, it must be done accurately and scrupulously. And here Gould fails again.

An absolute difference in brain size between men and women has not been disputed since at least the time of Broca (1861). Gould, however, claims that the sex difference disappears when appropriate statistical corrections are made for body size or age of people sampled. But when he used multiple regression to remove the simultaneous influence of height and age, he succeeded in reducing the sex difference by only one-third. He then invoked additional unspecified age and body parameters, claiming that if these could be controlled the entire difference would disappear.

David Ankney in 1992 questioned Gould's methodology. He re-examined autopsy data on 1,261 American adults and found that at any given body surface area or height, men's brains are heavier than women's. His research -- since confirmed by my own 1992 survey of 6,325 U.S. Army personnel -- attributes only about 30 per cent of the sex difference in brain size to differences in body size.

Admittedly, the brain-size studies present a paradox. Women have proportionately smaller brains than men but, apparently, the same intelligence scores. Ankney suggests that the difference in brain size may relate to those intellectual abilities at which men excel -- namely, spatial and mathematical ability -- which may require more "brain power" than do verbal abilities. Other theories are that men average slightly higher in general intelligence than do women, and finally that these particular differences in brain size have nothing to do with cognitive ability at all, but reflect greater male muscle mass and physical coordination in tasks like throwing and catching.

Similarly, Gould denies that brain weight varies with race. He repeats verbatim his 1981 claim that Samuel George Morton -- a giant of nineteenth-century American science -- "unconsciously" doctored his results on cranial capacity to prove Caucasian racial superiority. Yet he must know that John S. Michael reported in Current Anthropology in 1988 that he had checked Morton's work and found very few errors -- and these not in the direction that Gould asserted. Instead, Michael found errors in Gould's work.

In my own published work, uncited by Gould, I have shown that brain sizes vary systematically by race -- but not to the benefit of Caucasians. For what it is worth, Mongoloids average about a cubic inch more than Caucasoids and over three cubic inches more than Negroids. This result has been corroborated many times since 1980, and by every available technique. And these findings are in line with the (by now) accepted IQ results: the average IQ scores for "African," "Latino," "White," "Asian," and "Jewish" Americans are 85, 89, 103, 106, and 115, respectively. Of course, whether these differences are the result of genetic or environmental influences, and whether (or to what extent) they are remediable by purposeful action -- these remain matters of dispute.

GOULD'S faults extend well beyond sins of omission to include sins of commission. His "new" edition repeats the same false accusations about individuals that have been thoroughly refuted since 1981. Thus, Gould leaves unmodified his denigration of Sir Francis Galton as "a dotty Victorian eccentric." This was rightly described by Cambridge statistician A. W. F. Edwards in the London Review of Books (1983), as "a thoroughly tendentious portrait." Edwards pointed out that Gould, in a book full of references to correlation, multiple regression, principal-components analysis, and factor analysis, totally failed to inform his students that this whole statistical methodology was pioneered by Galton -- and to measure human intelligence.

He also repeats his trashing of Sir Cyril Burt, the eminent British educational psychologist, who reported a heritability for IQ of 77 per cent for identical twins reared apart. After his death in 1971, Burt was widely accused of fabricating his data. However, five separate studies of identical twins raised apart have now corroborated his findings. Two meticulously researched books, by Robert B. Joynson and Ronald Fletcher, have vindicated Burt, describing how he was railroaded by anti-hereditarian zealots. Gould ignores them.

Gould's most inflammatory allegation is to blame IQ testers for increasing the toll of the Holocaust. His thesis is that early IQ testers claimed Jews as a group scored low on their tests. This finding was then allegedly used to support passage of the restrictive Immigration Act of 1924, under which Jewish refugees were denied entry in the 1930s. Gould even claims that Henry H. Goddard in 1917 and Carl C. Brigham in 1923 labeled four-fifths of Jewish immigrants as "feeble-minded . . . morons."

In both cases, this has repeatedly been shown to be untrue. For example, Goddard was testing to see if the standard Binet test identified what were then called "high-grade defectives" as well among immigrants as it did among native-born Americans. (It did.) He explicitly did not assert that 80 per cent of Russians, Jews, or any immigrant group in general were feeble-minded.

Gould repeats his account despite widely disseminated refutations. Historian of psychology Franz Samelson began setting the record straight in the journal Social Forces as early as 1975. Mark Snyderman and the late Richard Herrnstein, writing in The American Psychologist in 1983, corroborated Samelson's conclusions and showed that the testing community in general did not view its findings as favoring immigration restriction, and that Congress took virtually no notice of intelligence testing in framing the legislation.

The eminent historian Carl N. Degler, in his 1991 book In Search of Human Nature, took Gould to task for ignoring contradictory information. He points out, for example, that the high scores of Orientals did not prevent them from being excluded from immigrating -- and that their scores would have embarrassed any attempt to make IQ the basis of immigration policy. Daniel Seligman debunked Gould's anti-testing propaganda in his book A Question of Intelligence. Herrnstein and Charles Murray, in their book, The Bell Curve, also highlighted the issue in a special boxed section. Gould reviewed The Bell Curve (twice!). Yet he ignores all these counter-arguments in his "revision."

Indeed, in his account of The Bell Curve, Gould charges Herrnstein and Murray with "disingenuousness." He then withholds from readers the fact that their book was principally an empirical analysis of social stratification drawn from the 12-year National Longitudinal Survey of Youth. Most high-IQ 17-year-olds, blacks as well as whites, went on to occupational success in their late twenties and early thirties. Many of those with low IQs, both black and white, went on to welfare dependency. Thus IQ tests are predictive.

Gould's attack on The Bell Curve focuses on its use of the "general factor of intelligence," or g, which psychometricians hypothesize underlies tests of mental ability. Gould likes to leave his readers chanting the mantra, "g is nothing more than an artifact of the mathematical procedure used to calculate it." But every major study shows that different IQ tests tend to be significantly intercorrelated, suggesting an underlying commonality. Thus Nathan Brody, Arthur Jensen, and John Carroll have all provided detailed empirical and analytical demonstrations of the reality of g (including, incidentally, a strong correlation with brain size). Gould ignores them all.

Gould employs another technical trick as well as attacking g: he continues to argue that findings about IQ differences within groups cannot be applied to differences between groups. (Curiously, he does not object when environmentalists use nutrition as an explanation of both within-group and between-group differences.) Research has found that racial differences are more pronounced on subtests that are highly heritable than on less heritable tests. This clearly supports the genetic hypothesis. Gould ignores it.

And most transracial adoption studies provide evidence for the heritability of racial differences in IQ. For instance, Korean and Vietnamese children adopted into white American and white Belgian homes were examined by E. A. Clark and J. Hanisee, by M. Frydman and R. Lynn, and by M. Winck et al. Many had been hospitalized for malnutrition. But they went on to develop IQs ten or more points higher than their adoptive national norms.

Gould does refer to adoption studies -- but only to a German finding of "no difference" between pre-puberty mixed-race children fathered by black soldiers and those fathered by white soldiers. He also mentions a similar result in Minnesota which seems to refer to an early report of the famous Minnesota Transracial Adoption Study. That study has subsequently found, however, that marked black/white differences emerged by age 17. (Environmental influences typically wash out by adolescence.)

FINALLY, Gould continues to ridicule the "ape in some of us" hypothesis proposed by Cesare Lombroso (1836 - 1909), the founder of criminology. Lombroso argued that many criminals were throwbacks to man's ancestral past, and that "natural-born criminals" could be identified by anatomical signs of primitiveness. (Contrary to Gould, however, Lombroso also believed that criminal behavior could arise in "normal" men.)

The reader of Mismeasure will search in vain, however, for even a dismissive reference to recent evidence that criminal behavior does indeed have a biological basis. Adrian Raine has reviewed several studies using MRI, Computerized Tomography, and Positron Emission Tomography to inspect the brains of violent and sexual offenders. He tentatively concluded that frontal-lobe dysfunction was associated with violent behavior, including rape. Further, it has been long established that criminals tend to have lower IQs than non-criminals. So, given the relation between brain size and IQ, Lombroso's finding of a smaller brain in criminals is probably correct.

Nor does Gould feel compelled to let his readers know that Lombroso's ideas have now received considerable support from behavioral genetics. Studies reported by Raine, David Rowe, and myself show that criminality is substantially more likely to be shared by identical twins than by fraternal twins. This clearly suggests a genetic factor, since both sets of twins share environments, but only identical twins have identical genes. Similarly, American, Danish, and Swedish studies of children adopted in infancy show that adopted children were more likely to be criminals if their biological parents -- rather than their adoptive parents -- were also criminals.

Even Lombroso's theory of bodily markers is not as far out as Gould would have you believe. It is now understood that drugs in pregnancy or other "insults" to the fetus may disturb its brain development and simultaneously produce a minor physical anomaly (MPA). For example, fetal ears start low on the neck and gradually drift upward. An insult to development can stop this and result in low-set ears -- an observable MPA. Thus, the number of MPAs is a rough index of (perhaps hidden) central-nervous-system anomalies.

For children raised in unstable families, Raine found that the number of MPAs at age 12 was related to violent behaviors at age 21. More generally, Raine even found that antisocial children often had more facial deformities, as judged by expert plastic surgeons.

In suppressing the hypothesis that genetics matter in crime by sneering at the long-dead Lombroso and ignoring the latest research, Gould is actively obstructing scientists from finding ways to spare both future victims and delinquents -- who, in their own fashion, are also victims. It is thus Gould who is -- in Lombroso's words --the delinquent man.

Gould tells us that he originally considered titling his book Great Is Our Sin, from Charles Darwin's remark: "If the misery of the poor be caused not by the laws of nature, but by our institutions, great is our sin." He avers that the scientific study of human differences in mental ability is nothing but an apology for elitist European enslavement and oppression of the rest of the world. This has become the apostle's creed of the adversary culture. However, even the most deeply held views cannot justify withholding evidence, engaging in character assassination, and repeating unfounded charges despite refutations.

"May I end up next to Judas Iscariot, Brutus, and Cassius in the devil's mouth at the center of hell if I ever fail to present my most honest assessment and best judgment of evidence for empirical truth," swears Gould on page 39 of his new introduction. By his own standard, Gould has consigned himself to the innermost circle of hell. But science, fortunately, is neither religion nor politics. Gould can save himself by owning up to the facts and ending his career of relentless special pleading.

The original article appeared in National Review, Vol. 49. No. 17







John Law "Who's White" AUDIO: download

________________________


Who's White
by John Law


White Hot Radio November 3, 2006


"White Nationalism." Both of these words are equally important.

Good evening, I'm John Law, Stormfront Senior Moderator and National Vanguard member.

Tonight I'd like to address the first part of the term 'White Nationalism' and answer the question, “Who's White?”

It’s a fair question, a fundamental question really. Our enemies have no trouble identifying us but sometimes people who are just becoming racially aware have difficulty answering this question. It’s the kind of question that can invite hair-splitting arguments or mind-numbing technical discussion. Those things are fine in their place but what folks really need to get started on this path of White Nationalism is a simple working definition that can be readily applied to almost any situation.

So in response to the question, "Who's White?" we answer: "Non-Jewish people of wholly European descent. No exceptions."

What comprises "European?" Those areas north of the Mediterranean and west of the Urals corresponding roughly to what was formerly known as European Christendom.

Note the word "wholly" -- "of wholly European descent." Sometimes a person might volunteer that he is some small part non-White, like 1/64th or 1/128th, and then ask if we still consider him White. The answer is that if a person identifies with his non-White part so much that he is concerned about it and feels compelled to tell us about it, then we consider him to be non-White.

If someone were to say that they were 12.5% Amerindian then, as far as we're concerned, that's what they are, 1/8th non-White. This is something about which we can't compromise. You're either White or you aren't.

After all, on an anonymous message board, we don't have the person-to person contact that we do in the real world. We don't have the visual clues, the body language, the vocal expressions, the facial expressions, the overall impressions that we can get in real person-to-person meetings. In personal encounters if someone looks White, sounds White, acts White, says they're White, then we can pretty much assume they're White. But on an anonymous message board we don't have those visual and auditory clues. A poster can post a picture of anybody at all and claim to be that person but unless we have met that poster in person, we don't know who they are. On an anonymous message board all we have is what a poster writes and if he writes that he is part non-White, then that's what he is, part non-White.

Dr. William Pierce had this to say about the matter:

Quote.

Who can say that he has no non-Aryan ancestry at all in his family tree? Not I. Most people can say who their parents and grandparents are. Only a few Americans can go back as far as four generations, however. I doubt that as many as one percent of Americans can go back six generations with any degree of certainty. Jews and liberals seize this fact to confuse people with the claim that we're all mongrels, that there is no such thing as a "pure" race, etc. -- therefore, it doesn't do any good to try to preserve the White race, because it really doesn't exist.

I'm sure that you are not fooled by that sophistry. We must be practical. We know that there is a White race, and that it is easy to select individuals from that race who constitute a relatively "pure" sub-group. I'm not an expert on Amerindian ethnology, but I do know that the Indians consisted of many tribes which were racially distinct, ranging from essentially Caucasoid to essentially Mongoloid. So if one has Indian admixture, it depends a lot on what tribe. As a very rough rule, if a person looks White and thinks of himself as White and is the kind of person our other members wouldn't mind their sisters marrying-and if we know that he's no more than one-sixteenth non-White, we consider him White.

As I said, that's a rough rule. A person may believe that one of his grandparents was an Indian, because that grandparent lived on a reservation. But the fact is that many people who consider themselves Indians today and live on reservations are more White than Indian, due to earlier racial mixture between Whites and Indians.

End quote.

This type of question, about being partly non-White, is asked endlessly on Stormfront. Some posters are asking an honest question but often others are anti-Whites desperately looking for ways to show that we are all mongrels, that there is no such thing as race, that miscegenation is good and natural, that we should all just go home and let things follow their course.

They may start with an extreme claim of some minuscule admixture, say 1/64th. Then, if we reject that for being non-White they say we are fanatics and if we accept them and their claim then we have started down the fatal slippery slope. If 1/64th is okay, they will ask, then 1/32nd must be okay too since there's little difference between 1/64th and 1/32nd. And if 1/32nd is okay then 1/16th must be fine too. And so on down the slippery slope. Their agenda is to get us on that slippery slope because that slippery slope ends with "there's only one race, the human race." With that, the White race is defined out of existence.

Even after these antis are refuted, they come back a few days later asking the same question as if there had been no prior resolution in the hopes that they can snag a few newcomers and to plant the seeds of doubt. This continues on ad infinitum.

Another tactic of the egalitarian crowd is to try to reduce the basis of White Nationalism to something as absurd and as superficial as skin color. Our contention is that we are a distinct and unique people with our own culture, history and destiny. We have not only the right but the moral duty to perpetuate ourselves. To do anything less would amount to racial suicide. We go to great lengths to preserve bio-diversity, the spotted owls, snail darters, mountain gorillas, etc. etc. Are White Europeans any less worthy of preservation?

Another post that appears endlessly on Stormfront is the kind that denounces various European people as not being truly White. In answer to that false accusation, the National Vanguard has stated that:

Quote.

Due to the generally deplorable understanding of race, it is necessary for us to emphasize that White people are the descendants of all historically European peoples, including the Irish, Slavs, Spaniards, Italians, Greeks, as well as the Germanic, Scandinavian, and Anglo-Saxon peoples, etc., so long as there is no discernible trace of non-White admixture. National Vanguard celebrates the cultural diversity of the White race. Our beautiful languages, traditions, and cultures are a strength. We are pan-European in our views and stand unconditionally opposed to conflicts between White peoples. Outside forces often exploit one White ethnicity against another. We do not excuse anti-White hatreds or historical "scores," and will consistently work towards reconciliation and unity in places such as the Balkans and Northern Ireland. Our watchword is no more brothers' wars.

End quote.

So, again, in response to the question, "Who's White?" we answer: "Non-Jewish people of wholly European descent. No exceptions." And if you tell us you're not, we will believe you.

I'm John Law and thanks for listening.

http://www.nature.com/nature/journal...e05329_F7.html

http://sfradiofiles.com/WHR/Images/nature05329-f7.2.jpg




Quote:
Figure 7 | Population clustering from CNV genotypes. A triangle plot showing the clustering of 210 unrelated HapMap individuals assuming three ancestral populations (k53). The proximity of an individual to each apex of the triangle indicates the proportion of that genome that is estimated to have ancestry in each of the three inferred ancestral populations. The clustering together of most individuals from the same population near a common apex indicates the clear discrimination between populations obtained through this analysis. The clustering was qualitatively similar to that obtained previously with a similar number of biallelic Alu insertion polymorphisms on different African, European and Asian population samples 60.

Is Race A Valid Taxonomic Construct?
Internet Essay: 14 December 2001


J. Philippe Rushton
Department of Psychology, University of Western Ontario

[This internet essay is Rushton’s latest “Statement on Race.” It updates the research in his book Race,
Evolution, and Behavior (3rd edition, 2000) which contains over 1,000 references to the literature.]

The answer to the question posed in the title of this paper is “yes.” If the concept of race
didn’t exist, science would have to invent it (and did)! Race is a valid taxonomic construct
because it allows us to make predictions about people’s behavior, especially at the group level.

In science, a concept is useful if it groups facts so that general laws and conclusions can
be drawn from them. Predictions can be made using the taxonomic category of race because, on
average, the Chinese, Japanese, and Koreans are similar to each other and different from White
Americans, Germans, and Russians, who are similar to each other and different from Black
Americans, Haitians, and sub-Saharan Africans. Predictability is the criterion by which the value
of a hypothetical construct like race is evaluated. As I will show, race is highly predictive.

For the past 20 years my research has focused on differences between the three major
races, commonly termed Orientals (East Asians, Mongoloids), Whites (Europeans, Caucasoids),
and Blacks (Africans, Negroids). Roughly speaking, Orientals are those who have most of their
ancestors from East Asia. Whites have most of their ancestors from Europe. And Blacks have
most of their ancestors from sub-Saharan Africa. In the main, I have not addressed the many
other groups outside of these three major races, or sub-groups within the three major races,
though they are of interest as well.

What I've found is that in brain size, intelligence, temperament, sexual behavior, fertility,
growth rate, life span, crime, and family stability, Orientals, as a group, consistently fall at one
end of the spectrum, Blacks fall at the other end, and Whites fall in between. On average,
Orientals are slower to mature, less fertile, and less sexually active, and have larger brains and
higher IQ scores. Blacks are at the opposite end in each of these areas. Whites fall in the middle,
often close to Orientals (see Chart 1).




Of course, these three-way racial differences are averages. Individuals are individuals.
However, I've found that this three-way pattern is consistently true over time and across nations.
That the same three-way racial pattern occurs repeatedly on some 60 different biological and
behavioral variables is profoundly interesting and shows that race is more than “just skin deep.”
The international data come from the World Health Organization, the United Nations, and
Interpol. Recently, I even traveled to South Africa to collect new IQ data.

Let's start with the biological differences in sports, which is something almost everyone
observes. Jon Entine's recent book Taboo: Why Black Athletes Dominate Sports and Why We
Are Afraid to Talk About It, addresses the old cliché that "White men can't jump" (and the new
one that Oriental men jump even less well). Entine shows that in sports, it is Black men and
women who can sky! And yet, as the data also show, it is mainly Blacks of West African descent
who excel at running over short distances, while Blacks of East African descent –from Kenya
and Ethiopia – excel at marathon running over long distances. These differences between East
and West Africans show that taking an average can sometimes gloss over important distinctions.
Still, Blacks from both East and West Africa excel at one or another kind of running. In sports,
Blacks as a group, have a genetic advantage.

It is interesting to know that race differences show up early in life. Black babies are born
a week earlier than White babies, yet they mature faster as measured by bone development. By
age five or six, Black children excel in the dash, the long jump, and the high jump, all of which
require a short burst of power. By the teenage years, Blacks have faster reflexes, as in the famous
knee-jerk response.

Blacks also have from 3 to 19% more of the sex hormone testosterone than Whites or
Orientals. This means more explosive energy, which gives Blacks the edge in sports like boxing,
basketball, football, and sprinting.

Why is it taboo to say that Blacks are on average better at sports? Because the hormones
that give Blacks the edge in sports also make them more masculine in general. They are
physically more active in school, and this can sometimes get them into trouble or even lead to
their being diagnosed as hyperactive.

So the next question is, “Why do East Asians and Whites and have wider hips than
Blacks, and so make poorer runners?” The answer is that they give birth to larger brained babies.
During evolution, as the head size of newborns increased, women had to have a wider pelvis.
Orientals average 1 cubic inch more cranial capacity than Whites, and Whites average a very
large 5 cubic inches more cranial capacity than Blacks.

Some people are surprised to hear that the races differ in brain size. And they wonder
how convincing the evidence is that brain size is related to intelligence. In fact, dozens of studies,
including those based on state-of-the-art magnetic resonance imaging, have demonstrated the
relation between brain size and intelligence.

Race differences in brain size have been demonstrated using four different methods: (1)
magnetic resonance imaging, (2) brain weight at autopsy, (3) endocranial volume, and (4)
external head measurements. These data are summarized in Chart 2 which presents the brain size
averages across the four measurement techniques and also, where possible, corrected for body
size. Orientals averaged 1,364 cm3, Whites averaged 1,347 cm3, and Blacks averaged 1,267 cm3.

Naturally the averages vary between samples and the races do overlap. But the results from
different methods on different samples, measured from the 1840s to the 1990s, show the same
strong pattern.





The racial differences in brain size show up at birth. One study of my own, published in
the 1997 issue of the journal Intelligence, was carried out using the resources of the National
Institute of Neurological and Communicative Disorders and Stroke (NINCDS) in Bethesda,
Maryland. In it, I analyzed data from the enormous Collaborative Perinatal Project, which took
head circumference measures and IQ scores from over 50,000 children followed from birth to
seven years. The Oriental children averaged larger head circumferences than did the White
children at birth, four months, one year, and seven years; the White children averaged larger head
circumferences than did the Black children (see Chart 3).




I published several other studies during the 1990s, also in Intelligence, confirming the
racial differences in brain size. In one study, I (1991) analyzed data from the National
Aeronautics and Space Administration, and found the mean cranial capacity for East Asians was
1,460 cm3, and for Europeans it was 1,446 cm3. From a stratified random sample of 6,325 U.S.
Army personnel, I (1992) calculated average cranial capacities for Asians, Whites, and Blacks,
respectively, of 1,416 cm3, 1,380 cm3, and 1,359 cm3. (I also found that officers averaged 1,393
cm3 while enlisted personnel averaged 1,375 cm3.) From a compilation made by the International
Labour Office in Geneva of tens of thousands of people from around the world, I (1994) found
that samples from the Pacific Rim, Europe, and Africa averaged cranial capacities, respectively,
of 1,308 cm3, 1,297 cm3, and 1,241 cm3. Travis Osborne and I (1995) published a paper showing
that brain size was about 50% heritable for both Blacks and Whites using data from the Georgia
Twin Study based on 236 pairs of Black and White adolescent twins. And once again we found
Whites averaged greater cranial capacity than Blacks.

Since one cubic inch of brain matter contains millions of brain cells and hundreds of
millions of nerve connections, brain size helps to explain why the races differ in IQ. On
standardized IQ tests, hundreds of studies show the three-way pattern. Orientals average slightly
ahead of Whites on such tests and Whites average substantially ahead of Blacks. Most IQ tests
have an average score of 100, with a “normal” range from 85 to 115. Around the world, Whites
average an IQ of about 100, Orientals an IQ of about 104, and Blacks in Britain, the Caribbean,
and the U.S. average lower IQs -- about 85. The lowest average IQs are found for sub-Saharan
Africans – around 70 (see Chart 4). Like the other data sets in this essay, these are reviewed in
my book Race, Evolution, and Behavior. An even more recent book on the topic is by Richard
Lynn and Tatu Vanhanen, IQ and the Wealth of Nations.



The extremely low average IQ of 70 for sub-Saharan Africans has been difficult for many
people to accept. To determine for myself how realistic a figure it was, I traveled to South Africa
to initiate a series of studies at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg, one of the
most prestigious universities in Africa. In the first study, we administered the Raven’s Standard
Progressive Matrices to 173 African first year psychology students who scored at the 14th
percentile on 1993 U.S. norms, giving them an average IQ of 84. In a second study, we
administered the same test to another group of psychology students who scored an IQ of 83.
After training on how to solve these types of tests, their IQs rose to 96. In a third study, we gave
the same test to a more academically select student population -- 198 African engineering
students who had taken mathematics and sciences courses in high school. This group scored at
the 41st percentile with an IQ of 97. These results, from an elite university, showing mean IQ
scores for African undergraduates ranging from 83 to 97, confirm the overall IQ of 70 for
Africans because around the world university students typically score 15 to 30 IQ points above
their population average.

Race differences in brain size and IQ, along with those in testosterone, have important
implications for social behavior. For example, in the United States, Orientals are seen as a
“model minority.” They have fewer divorces, out-of-wedlock births, and cases of child abuse
than do Whites. More Orientals graduate from college and fewer go to prison. Blacks, on the
other hand, are 12% of the American population but make up 50% of the prison population.

The racial pattern of crime in the U.S. is not due to local conditions like “White racism.”
For nearly 20 years I have been monitoring the Interpol Yearbooks and publishing data on the
worldwide crime statistics. These consistently show that the rate of violent crime (murder, rape,
and serious assault) is about three times lower in East Asian and Pacific Rim countries than they
are in African and Caribbean countries. Whites in European countries are intermediate. The 1996
rates of violent crime, for example, were: East Asian countries, 35 per 100,000 people; European
countries, 42; and African and Caribbean countries, 149 (see Chart 5).




Orientals are the least sexually active, whether measured by age of first intercourse,
intercourse frequency, or number of sexual partners. Blacks are the most active on all of these.
Once again Whites fall in between. National surveys in Britain and the U.S., and international
surveys by the World Health Organization, reveal the three-way racial pattern in sexual behavior.
These racial differences, in turn, affect the rate of sexually transmitted diseases. For example, the
latest figures from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (for the year 2000) shows the
rate of chlamydia in African Americans is 10 times higher than it is for Whites, and for
gonorrhea and syphilis the rate among Blacks is nearly 30 times the White rate.

Sadly, racial differences are also reflected in the current AIDS crisis. Over 40 million
people around the world are living with HIV/AIDS. Chart 6 shows the HIV infection rates in
various parts of the world based on the latest figures from UNAIDS (December 2001). The
epidemic started in Black Africa in the late 1970s. Today 28 million adults there are living with
HIV/AIDS. Over fifty percent of these are female. This shows that transmission is mainly
heterosexual. Currently, nearly 9 out of every 100 Africans are infected with the AIDS virus and
the epidemic is considered out of control. In several countries the AIDS rate is over 20%,
including South Africa, where one in 5 adults is living with HIV/AIDS.



The HIV infection rate is also high in the Black Caribbean – 2.2%! The high rate of
HIV/AIDS in the 2,000-mile band of Caribbean countries extends from Bermuda to Guyana, and
it is highest in the Bahamas and in Haiti, where the rates are 4% and 5%, respectively.

Data published by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention show that African
Americans have HIV/AIDS rates similar to the Black Caribbean and parts of Black Africa. Three
percent of Black men and 1% of Black women in the U.S. are living with HIV. The rate for
White Americans is about 0.4%, while the rate for Asian Americans is less than 0.05%. Rates for
Europe and the Pacific Rim are also low. Of course AIDS is a serious public health problem for
all racial groups, but it is especially so for Africans and people of African descent.

Importantly, the races also differ in rate of ovulation. Not all women produce just one egg
during the menstrual cycle. When two or more eggs are produced at the same time, pregnancy
and the likelihood of producing two-egg twins are more likely. The number of such twins born is
16 out of every 1,000 births for Blacks, 8 out of every 1,000 births for Whites, and 4 or less for
Orientals. Black women also average shorter menstrual cycles than White women. These and
other data make it plain that the race differences in reproductive behavior are biological in nature.

Twin and adoption studies show that genes play a big part in athletic ability, brain size,
IQ, and personality. Trans-racial adoption studies, where infants of one race are adopted and
reared by parents of a different race, provide some of the strongest evidence that race differences
are heritable. Oriental children, even if malnourished before being adopted by White parents, go
on to have IQs above the White average. Black infants adopted into middle-class White families
end up with IQs lower than the White average. Some of these data are summarized in Chart 7.



The Evolution of Racial Differences

Look back again at all the traits in Chart 1. They form a pattern. Whites consistently
average between Orientals and Blacks in dozens of areas. Also, the groups with the largest brains
have the lowest rates of two-egg twinning! Why? The answer lies in evolution. No purely
cultural theory can explain all of these traits taken together. There is, however, a gene-based
explanation that explicitly involves the trade-off between reproductive effort (twinning rates) and
brain size. The patterns make up what is called a “life-history.” They evolved together to meet
the trials of life -- survival, growth, and reproduction.

I have explained the racial pattern in brain size, intelligence, and other traits using a gene-
based life-history theory that evolutionary biologists call the r-K scale of reproductive
strategies. At one end of this scale are r-strategies that rely on high reproductive rates. At the
other end are K-strategies that rely on high levels of parental care. This scale is generally used to
compare the life histories of different species of animals. I have used it to explain the smaller but
real differences between the human races.

On this scale, Orientals are more K-selected than Whites, while Whites are more K-selected
than Blacks. Highly K-selected women produce fewer eggs (and have bigger brains) than r-selected
women. Highly K-selected men invest time and energy in their children rather than the pursuit of
sexual thrills. They are “dads” rather than “cads.”

Race differences also make sense in terms of human evolution. Modern humans evolved
in Africa about 200,000 years ago. Africans and non-Africans then split about 110,000 years ago.
Orientals and Whites split about 40,000 years ago, around the time that modern humans were
first in Europe. Analyses of DNA sequencing, along with the fossil and archaeological record,
demonstrate this sequence, as does the pattern of traits shown in Chart 1.

The further north people went out of Africa, the harder it was to get food, gain shelter,
make clothes, and raise children. So the groups that evolved into today’s Whites and Orientals
needed larger brains, more family stability, and a longer life. But building a bigger brain takes
time and energy so there is a trade off with slower rates of growth, lower levels of sex hormones,
less aggression, and less sexual activity. Thus came about the pattern of traits in Chart 1.

What are the implications of this research? One is, obviously, that race is a valid
taxonomic construct. If it were not it would have no reliable predictive value and we would not
find the same racial pattern all around the world and over time. The fact that, on average,

African-descended children are born with smaller brains than European- or East Asian-descended
children, regardless of where in the diasporas the children are located, allows reliable predictions
to be made about their future academic and occupational achievement. Similarly, the fact that
throughout the world Blacks have a stronger sex drive than Whites or East Asians explains why
Black Americans, Black Caribbeans, and sub-Saharan Africans have the highest rates of sexually
transmitted diseases, and why East Asians have even lower rates than Whites.

A second implication is that “White racism” is not responsible for all of society’s
problems. Black underachievement is not simply due to “White prejudice.” It is more deeply
rooted. On average, Black children are born with smaller brains than White or East Asian
children. Pointing this out is not constructing stereotypes, it is simply observing facts as they are.
Both science and justice call for us to seek and tell the truth, not to tell lies and spread error.

Another implication is that we have to accept that racial differences will not just
disappear. Hitherto, most theories in the behavioral sciences have assumed that all human
populations have equal abilities to achieve equal levels of social development. We need to accept
the existence of the evolved diversity of human populations.

Sometimes it is claimed by those who argue that race is just a social construct that the
human genome project shows that because people share 99% of their “genes” in common, that
there are no races. This is silly. Human genes are 98% similar to chimpanzee genes. Yet no one
thinks that chimpanzees have the same intelligence, brain size, or social behavior patterns as
human beings; they look and behave very differently. In fact humans share 90% of their genes
with mice, which is why we can use them to test drug therapies. Similarly, although men and
women are genetically 99% the same, it is foolish to believe that sex is just a “social
construction.”

Much confusion arises because there are several sets of genetic measures. A much more
realistic story comes from looking at the 3.1 billion base pairs that make up the 30,000 genes.
People differ in 1 out of every 1,000 of these base pairs. Each change in a base pair can alter a
gene. Technically, base pair differences are called single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs). Base
pair differences are important and SNPs clump together in races. Just one change in the base pair
for hemoglobin, for example, causes sickle-cell anemia, from which many Blacks suffer. Other
base pair differences affect IQ, aggression, and mental illness. The 3.1 billion base pairs provide
plenty of room for large racial differences.

In summary, the same racial pattern would not occur so consistently all around the world
and over time if race were a mere social construct. If it were a meaningless construct, it would
have no power to predict phenomena like brain size, growth rate, life span, crime, and family
stability. Other evidence also shows that race is a biological reality. For example, coroners in
crime labs can identify race from a skeleton or even just the skull. They can even identify race
from blood, hair, or semen. How could they do this if race was only a social construct? The
scientific evidence shows that the politically correct mantra “race is just skin deep” is a case of
deep denial.

Additional Readings

Beals, K. L., Smith, C. L., & Dodd, S. M. (1984). Brain size, cranial morphology, climate, and
time machines. Current Anthropology, 25, 301-330.
Cavalli-Sforza, L. L., Menozzi, P., & Piazza, A. (1994). The History and Geography of Human
Genes. Princeton, NJ: Princeton.University Press.

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (2001). Sexually Transmitted Disease Surveillance,
2000. Atlanta, GA: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention.

Ellis, L., & Nyborg, H. (1992). Racial/ethnic variations in male testosterone levels: A probable
contributor to group differences in health. Steroids, 57, 72-75.

Entine, J. (2000). Taboo: Why Black Athletes Dominate Sports and Why We Are Afraid to Talk
About It. New York: Public Affairs Press.

Herman-Giddens, M. E., and others. (1997). Secondary sexual characteristics and menses in young
girls seen in the office practice. Pediatrics, 99, 505-512.

Ho, K. C., Roessmann, U., Straumfjord, J. V., & Monroe, G. (1980). Analysis of brain weight.
Archives of Pathology and Laboratory Medicine, 104, 635-645.

Jensen, A. R. (1998). The g Factor. Westport, CT: Praeger.

Lewis, B. (1990). Race and Slavery in the Middle East. New York: Oxford University Press.

Lynn, R., & Vanhanen, T. (2002). IQ and the Wealth of Nations. Westport, CT: Praeger.

Rushton, J. P. (1992). Cranial capacity related to sex, rank, and race in a stratified random

sample of 6,325 U.S. military personnel. Intelligence, 16, 401-413.
Rushton, J. P. (1997). Brain size and cognitive ability in Asian Americans from birth to age seven.
Intelligence, 25, 7-20.

Rushton, J. P. (2000). Race, Evolution, and Behavior: A Life History Perspective (3rd edition).
Port Huron, MI: Charles Darwin Research Institute.

Rushton, J. P., & Ankney, C. D. (1996). Brain size and cognitive ability: Correlations with age,
sex, social class and race. Psychonomic Bulletin and Review, 3, 21-36.

Rushton, J. P., & Osborne, R. T. (1995). Genetic and environmental contributions to cranial
capacity estimated in Black and White adolescents. Intelligence, 20, 1-13.

Rushton, J. P., & Skuy, M. (2000). Performance on Raven’s Matrices by African and White
university students in South Africa. Intelligence, 28, 251-265.

Stringer, C. & McKie, R. (1996). African Exodus. London: Cape.

Taylor, J., & Whitney, G. (1999). Crime and racial profiling by U.S. police: Is there an empirical
basis? Journal of Social, Political, and Economic Studies, 24, 485-510.

UNAIDS/WHO (2001). AIDS epidemic update: December 2001. Geneva, Switzerland: Joint
United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) and World Health Organization
(WHO).

Weinberg, R. A., Scarr, S., & Waldman, I. D. (1992). The Minnesota Transracial Adoption Study:
follow-up of IQ test performance at adolescence. Intelligence, 16, 117-135.

The Reality of Race
by Dr. David Duke


Ashley Montagu's, Man's Most Dangerous Myth: the Fallacy of Race [173] had impressed me before I began my look into the other side of the scientific studies on race. The "myth of race" position is essentially that skin color, hair type and other traits that influence racial classification are completely arbitrary traits of mankind and are as unimportant as are different types of fingerprint designs.

After almost thirty years of the media proclaiming the "myth of race," race-critic Jared Diamond refined the argument in the 1994 issue of the very popular Discover magazine.[174] Diamond chose a few traits such as lactose intolerance and fingerprint patterns that varied geographically among human populations and suggested by those traits alone, Swedes could be put in the same "racial category as the Ainu of Japan or the Xhosa of Africa. He asserted, therefore, that racial classification was nonsensical. Another media-popular disclaimer of race is Cavalli-Sforza, who in the preface of his major work, The History and Geography of Human Genes, gave lip-service to the arguments of Diamond and Montagu.[175] Interestingly enough, when one looks at Cavalli-Sforza's world gene-distribution maps in his book, they show the same geographic boundaries that reflect the traditional racial groupings.

I had realized back in the 1960s that the "myth of race" argument is perfectly analogous to saying that the dozens of different breeds of dogs is a myth because one can find some specific traits that exist in varying breeds. I thought about the question long and hard, and I asked myself, "Because some similar traits are found in different breeds of dogs, does that mean that there are no St. Bernards or Chihuahuas?"

If Ashley Montagu were attacked by a dog, I think it might matter to him if the dog were a Doberman Pinscher or a Toy Poodle.
As the doberman began to chow down on him, would he still insist that the differences among the breeds of the canines don't exist? Even Montagu could predict that a Doberman offers a great deal more potential danger than a toy Poodle. If Diamond wants to be technical about it, many human traits and sets of traits, can be found that exist in other mammals. In fact, humans share 98.5 percent of their genes with Chimpanzees. If one follows Diamond's rationale, there is no difference between humans and Chimpanzees because we can find sets of arbitrarily selected genetic traits we share.

A number of scientists in recent times have brought up the fact that the DNA in Blacks and Whites differs by less than a percent, and therefore such a small difference could not mean much distinction in races. Yet, with only a 1.5 percent difference in DNA between humans and chimpanzees, humans have brains that are about twice as large. Small differences in DNA can make big differences in biological structure. [176] [177] [178] Only a small number of genes set the structure of an organism. It is similar to the fact that only a small set of paper architectural plans make a big difference in the way wood, steel, concrete and glass construct a house.

Saying that the races are the same because similar genes make up the bulk of the physical structures of both Blacks and Whites is analogous to saying that because a shack is built of wood, steel and glass -it is the same as a skyscraper made of the same materials. The vast majority of the basic genes that make up the races are not only shared by them, but also by all mammals and even other orders of life. What makes the important distinctions are the small percentages of genes that effect the structure and composition of those life forms.

A race is a more or less distinct combination of inherited physiological, morphological and behavioral traits. J. Phillippe Rushton describes it this way:
A race is what zoologists term a variety or subdivision of a species. Each race (or variety) is characterized by a more or less distinct combination of inherited morphological, behavioral, physiological traits. In flowers, insects, and non-human mammals, zoologists consistently and routinely study the process of racial differentiation. Formation of a new race takes place when, over several generations, individuals in one group reproduce more frequently among themselves than they do with individuals in other groups. This process is most apparent when the individuals live in diverse geographic areas and therefore evolve unique, recognizable adaptations (such as skin color) that are advantageous in their specific environments. But differentiation also occurs under less extreme circumstances. Zoologists and evolutionists refer to such differentiated populations as races. (Within the formal taxonomic nomenclature of biology, races are termed subspecies). Zoologists have identified two or more races (subspecies) in most mammalian species.
[179] Differences between the major races of mankind include over 50 physiological and social variables. Other than the obvious differences in skin color and hair texture, they include brain size, cranial structure, dentition, intelligence, musculature, hormonal levels, sexual norms, temperament, longevity and a wide range of personality traits. As Rushton says eloquently, "If race were an arbitrary, socially constructed concept, devoid of all biological meaning, such consistent relationships would not exist."[180]

Science has long established different species and subspecies as a recognizable group having a common heredity. Take a look at what the Random House Webster's Dictionary has to say about the subject.

species
Biol. the major subdivision of a genus or subgenus, regarded as the basic category of biological classification, composed of related individuals that resemble one another, are able to breed among themselves, but are not able to breed with members of another species.
race
1. a group of persons related by common descent or heredity. a population so related.
breed
Genetics. a relatively homogenous group of animals within a species, developed and maintained by humans. lineage; stock; strain: She comes from a fine breed of people. offensive: half-breed (emphasis mine)
Even though many scientists argue for the existence of many races of mankind, most accept the existence of at least three major divisions: Mongoloid, Caucasoid and Negroid. Obvious differences in facial features, skeletal and cranial characteristics, skin color and hair types make the three major races easily distinguishable. Blood, semen and molecular information can determine the race or even an estimate of the racial mixture in an individual. Scientific investigators can readily identify the race from just the skeletal parts of badly decomposed human remains, and the race of criminal perpetrators can readily be identified by traces of hair, semen, skin, or blood. The O.J. Simpson case gave the world a lesson in genetic racial identification.

Denying the reality of race is a good example of how egalitarians are grasping for straws. A mass of scientific evidence proves the existence of traits and features that identify the genetically differentiated breeds of mankind, just as there are genetically differentiated breeds of dogs or cats, or as I had found out years earlier in my garage -- domestic and wild breeds of rat. One does not need molecular studies to know that race exists, all one must do is use his eyes and some common sense.

In school, I discovered that anti-race bias had become almost like a religion with some people. They parroted back the silliest and most illogical concepts about race. For instance, someone would tell me that there are no such things as races because there are some individuals who may be racially mixed or who are not clearly of one race or another. That argument is much like saying that there is no day or night because for a few minutes every day at dusk it is hard to tell whether it is night or day.

Even a high-school teacher of mine maintained that there were no racial differences because some Whites are darker than some Blacks and that some Blacks are smarter than some Whites. Trying to negate group differences by citing individual exceptions is the poorest logic I could imagine. It is much like saying that because some grade school children are more knowledgeable than some college students, that there is no difference between the knowledge of college students and grade school students.

I have heard people say that individual variation within a race is greater than the average difference between races, so therefore race is irrelevant. One could easily take that fallacious argument to its logical conclusion and point out that since some humans unfortunately have less intelligence than some dogs, therefore there is no difference between humans and canines in intelligence. The racial egalitarians are just that silly, but like the fable of the emperor's new clothes; nobody dares to stand up and tell the truth!

Arguments erupted frequently at school, often with teachers. One teacher told me that there is no point to race because it is impossible to really know who is Black and who is White. I simply pointed out to her that the government seems to have no trouble in distinguishing between Blacks and Whites for affirmative action programs and for forced racial integration of education, and that she obviously believes that Blacks and Whites can be identified and therefore "integrated."

By far, the most popular saying among egalitarians is that Blacks and Whites differ only in color of skin. If that were true, one would be quite stupid to believe in racial differences in intelligence, and that is the direct implication. But, the idea that skin color is the only difference is patently absurd. Yet, the media consistently repeats it like a holy incantation, "We are all the same other than color of skin", How is it then, that every one of the top 16 semi-finalists in the 1996 Olympics 100 meter sprint were black, when one hundred times more Whites participate in organized track and field in the world? If the Black difference is just a darker skin color, how could skin color make one run faster? There are genetic qualities in Black people that make them, on average, more efficient sprinters and that talent has an association with skin color. If there are differences that can make one group have faster runners, it stands to reason that there can be differences that make other groups have faster thinkers.

I have already argued in this volume that IQ is primarily inherited and that Blacks and Whites differ dramatically in IQ -even when Blacks and Whites come from similar socioeconomic backgrounds. I have shown that there is abundant evidence of difference in the size of the brains of Africans as opposed to Europeans or Asians. Does the fact that there are at least 40 times more Whites per capita who have a genius level of intelligence have to do with the fact that they have lighter skin color than Negroes? Lighter skin has no direct effect on the brain. Intelligence is obviously created by genetic differences other than color of skin, although there may be an association of skin color with brain size and structure as representative of racial heritage. So although lighter skin does not make one smart, it can be associated with other racial genetic features that can.

Until very recent times, American society completely segregated people with any visible degree of black blood, even those only one eighth or one-16th Negro. Is it an odd coincidence that lighter skinned, and Caucasian-featured Blacks have a tremendous overrepresentation among Negroes who have achieved prominence in academic and scientific disciplines? Or could it simply be that their lighter skin color and Caucasian facial features are somewhat indicative of their predominant White genetic component, making their intelligence closer to the White norm. As I have noted previously, in repeated intelligence testing of mulattos and full-blooded Blacks, even when environmental factors are controlled, mulattos average somehere between Whites and Blacks.

Yes. Whites, Blacks and Yellows have obvious differences in skin color and hair texture, but also in skeletal and cranial structure, blood groups and DNA fingerprinting. The latest DNA studies in fact indicate that ancestors of Blacks and Whites split at least as long as 110,000 ago (many say 200,000) and Whites and Asians about 40,000 years ago. Subspecies, which is the scientific term for race, has always denoted a geographic genetic differentiation of a species. Europeans, Asians and Africans obviously developed on different continents under different environments. I came to the conclusion that race is certainly real and that racial differences are inherent and profound. I then wanted to better understand how racial differences originated and their possible impact on modern society. To do that I had to look into evolutionary theory.

From My Awakening, "The Reality of Race," pp. 85-89.

============================

Pictured left: Professor J. Philippe Rushton

The following discussion about the reality of race was posted previously on The Official Website of Representative David Duke but it fits in well with our current series of articles and the facts that it presents bear repeating. Understanding the reality of race is fundamental to our continued survival. --Dave Cooper, http://www.davidduke.com/?p=482

The following was a statement released by Professor Phillippe Rushton of the University of Western Ontario in response to attempts to discredit the very concept of race and to argue that race "has no validity as a biological concept when applied to man."

STATEMENT ON RACE AS A BIOLOGICAL CONCEPT
J. Philippe Rushton

November 4, 1996

Discussion of "race" shows little sign of diminishing, despite efforts to deconstruct the concept. Deconstructing the concept of race not only conflicts with people's tendency to classify and build family histories according to common descent but also ignores the work of biologists studying non-human species. Ever since 1758, when the Swedish naturalist Carolus Linnaeus created the classification system still used in biology today, most zoologists have recognized at least the four human subdivisions Linnaeus delineated: Asians, American Indians, Europeans, and Africans. (Technically, some would group the first two Linnaean subdivisions together, thus yielding three major races, often termed, mongoloids, caucasoids, and negroids.) Such high-level classifications do not rule out making finer, hierarchical subdivisions within these major groups.

A race is what zoologists term a variety or subdivision of a species. Each race (or variety) is characterized by a more or less distinct combination of inherited morphological, behavioral, physiological traits. In flowers, insects, and non-human mammals, zoologists consistently and routinely study the process of racial differentiation. Formation of a new race takes place when, over several generations, individuals in one group reproduce more frequently among themselves than they do with individuals in other groups. This process is most apparent when the individuals live in diverse geographic areas and therefore evolve unique, recognizable adaptations (such as skin color) that are advantageous in their specific environments. But differentiation also occurs under less extreme circumstances. Zoologists and evolutionists refer to such differentiated populations as races. (Within the formal taxonomic nomenclature of biology, races are termed subspecies). Zoologists have identified two or more races (subspecies) in most mammalian species.